just peace

Achin Vanaik

FORTRESS AMERICA

'It is time to stand up and oppose the US-led coalition which will wage war on Afghanistan

and to call on India not to join it.'

On September 11 morning, two hours before we were supposed to land at

Washington's Dulles airport, our plane got diverted to Montreal, Canada.

Making our way down by land over the next two days into upstate New York,

Maryland and Washington, one was able to get an insight into the public

mood not just from the international CNN-type broadcasting stations or the

major dailies but from a host of local TV stations and local newspapers as

well as from the average citizen met and spoken with. The popular reaction

provided sources of both hope and despair. Hope, in that the shared moral

outrage expressed across boundaries of race, religion and ethnicity

testified to the existence of a universal humanitarian decency. Despair,

that this potential for a moral sensitivity that is impartial and universal

was stymied by the rapid surfacing of a predominantly nationalist

insularity of response to the tragedy.

    The main question that preoccupied Americans was not why did this happen

but how could it happen? Or rather, insofar as the why question was posed

it was quickly disposed of to most peoples' satisfaction. The perpetrators

are mindless terrorists or religious fanatics who hate America and what it

stands for which is decency, democracy, freedom, etc. Rare were the voices

(mostly religiously inspired pacifists or uncompromisingly liberal

elements) who were prepared to say that the US must not seek revenge by

waging war on Afghanistan or engage in activities that would itself amount

to terrorism, i.e. killing the civilians of other countries. Rarer still

were the voices of those who were prepared to point out even as they

expressed their pain and outrage against the attacks on New York and

Washington, that the US government's unjust actions abroad have helped

create the breeding ground from which sub-state and combat group terrorists

have emerged.

    Wholly admirable was the way in which people across the country united to

support and offer help in the carrying out the necessary relief measures.

Similarly, there was a perceptive and sensitive discourse in the media on

what the efforts to avoid such attacks in the future might portend

regarding restriction of civil liberties thereby weakening the freedoms and

decencies of American society. Barring the fringe, most public political

figures opposed attacks on Americans of Arab, South Asian origin or on

ordinary Muslims in the country. That would be a betrayal of the values

that the US is supposed to stand for. Even rightwing Republican leaders

made it a point to say that this was not a war between the West and Islam

but between the rest of the world and terrorism.

    Largely absent, however, was any recognition that the ugliest part of the

American 'way of life' has been its foreign policy behaviour which has

itself involved even more barbaric acts or campaigns of terror. The record

here is simply awesome to contemplate, both in numbers and scale. It

includes the nuclear bombing of civilians in Hiroshima/Nagasaki, the use of

chemical weapons in Vietnam where the US killed over two million civilians,

the use of sanctions since the Gulf War which have led to the deaths of 1.2

million Iraqis of whom 500,000 were children, a 'price' whose 'payment'

Madeliene Albright justified. Instead of any media self-introspection on

these grounds, there was an even stronger display of self-righteousness

than usual. Civilization, best represented and led by the US, was under

attack. Therefore, all those (whether countries, groups or individuals) who

might refuse to support what the US government intended to do in

retaliation were effectively enemies of not just the US but of all

civilized values.

    Given such a mood, it was hardly surprising that two premiers of Israel

should try and seize the opportunity to harden the attitudes of the

American government and public towards the plight of the Palestinians. The

former Israeli premier, Netanyhu called for the destruction of the

Palestinian National Authority as a terrorist outfit while Sharon called

Arafat another Bin Laden. They were supported by numerous prominent

American personalities declaring in print and TV/radio that now America

knew what Israel has been suffering all along. Matters were not helped by

repeated broadcastings of film clips of Palestinians celebrating the

attacks. Arafat's act of donating blood was not an effective counter in the

public relations battle consciously being waged by the American right and

Israel at this juncture.

    One thing is quite clear. Even if the evidence the US government is

accumulating is not sufficient to establish a legally defensible case about

an accused or suspect (Bin Laden in this case) it simply could not afford

to admit as much. The public desire for revenge is so strong that it has to

act. There are several historical precedents for this, the most recent

being after the 1998 bombings of US Embassies in East Africa. The US on the

flimsiest basis bombed a pharmaceutical complex in Sudan which suffered

unknown "collateral damage" (i.e. civilian deaths) and has ever since

blocked independent UN investigation into its claim that it was justified

in doing so because it was part of Bin Laden's network of activities.

    Of course, the US government is not simply responding to domestic pressure.

The speed with which 'long range thinking' was put into place was also

remarkable. It is clear that it wishes to seize this opportunity to launch

something like an 8-10 year campaign to attack (in all continents) all

armed sub-state groups (and selected regimes) which are considered to be

unacceptable to American interests. So the issue is not just Bin Laden and

his network but the overthrow of the Taliban regime itself, followed by

other targets to be highlighted as and when Washington chooses. This is not

a war against terrorism but an effort to establish maximum freedom of

military-political activity (of a kind and scale never before envisioned)

for the US throughout the world. Indeed, in the guise of fighting one kind

of terrorism it is sanctioning the freedom to carry out another kind.

Returning to India after the Washington trip, one was again shaken by much

of the public and media response. After initial expressions of horror, the

main preoccupation seems to be how India can obtain enough foreign policy

benefit, i.e. swing the US government over to 'our' side against Pakistan

and its sponsorship of terrorism in Kashmir. The overall result is that

only a small minority (though bigger than the even smaller minority in the

US) of publicly articulated opinion declares that in the fight against

international terrorism, it is not just sub-state actors/combat groups

(whether or not supported/sponsored by states) that are the culprits but

that states themselves are guilty of directing/executing terrorism. Indeed,

that the sustainability, diversity of forms, and sheer scale of state

terrorist acts and campaigns is qualitatively greater and more dangerous

than that of sub-state actors. Moreover, among the culpable states is not

just Pakistan and its behaviour in Kashmir and Afghanistan but India (in

Kashmir and the Northeast), Russia (in Chechnya), China (in Tibet), Israel,

and a host of numerous other states with, of course, the US itself as far

and away the worst offender.

    To any morally impartial view which seeks to fight international terrorism

no matter who is responsible for it, the idea of establishing a concert of

nations led by the US as the main international mechanism (regardless of

its getting a manipulated sanction from the UN) through which one must

fight terrorism, is utterly unacceptable. One cannot legitimize as the main

correctors/policers of international terrorism those who are themselves

guilty of terrorisms which then not only goes unpunished or unrecognized

but is made unrecognizable. The double standards involved here are not just

morally shameful but politically counter-productive because they will lead

to more widespread bitterness and alienation reinforcing the appeal of

those who claim that sub-state terrorism is the only form of retribution to

the strong to whom the principles of justice do not apply. It is time to

stand up and oppose the US-led coalition which will wage war on Afghanistan

and to call on India not to join it.

Published in The Hindu of Sept. 26th.

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