Gurminder K. Bhambra 

Academic freedom and academic responsibility

The case of Geoffrey Sampson, the computing professor who has professed racist views, continues to make waves at Sussex University. A large open meeting on 23 May heard expressions of criticism, disdain and denunciation from many faculty and students. Gurminder Bhambra delivered the speech below, which drew a response from Martin Shaw in the meeting. This is followed by the email debate which ensued between them. 

In response to the article Sampson has written a lot of people have brought up the phrase ‘academic’ freedom’ – what I would like to talk about here is academic freedom, and academic responsibility.

The views Sampson has been peddling in the national media have nothing to do with any area of his research or teaching interests and yet he is using his status here at the university to gain both the space within which to articulate those views and to ascribe legitimacy to them. However inadvertently his comments came to be publicised within the wider national arena the point remains that he followed up on what had occurred by speaking to the national press and radio in his capacity as a professor at Sussex University.

Academic freedom, if it is to have any meaning separate and apart from freedom of speech, surely has to mean the freedom of an individual to undertake academic research in any area, however unpalatable that may be to others. Now what Sampson is arguing does not form any element of his academic research field, so as it is, the principle of academic freedom is being used to defend the articulation of personal prejudice in the public realm and not legitimate research endeavour. You may want to defend his freedom to speak on matters unrelated to research interests but I do not feel that the use of the phrase academic freedom is warranted in this instance.

In speaking on matters outside of his academic remit he should disassociate his personally held views from his status as Professor and if that is not possible then he should think about his responsibility as an academic at Sussex with accountabilities beyond research such as teaching and in this light reconsider what he has said.

I do not believe that it is possible to separate one’s professional life from the public articulation of personal views and hence any public intervention needs to be measured in terms of the other responsibilities one holds. It is the gross negligence of the responsibilities that Sampson has towards his students, colleagues and university that should be addressed as well as the racism inherent in the article itself.

Sampson’s personal prejudices have become public and it is to this fact that we must respond – and so this response is about publicly articulated prejudice and not about privately held prejudices although it is recognised that there are many different manifestations of these also present at the university in terms of gender, sexuality, class.

Sampson quite readily accepts that he is a racist – he uses the term racialist but states that this is synonymous with racist – and the tone and content of his article bear that out. One does not have to look much further than the sentence, ‘yellow-skinned Orientals tend to be rather brighter than whites, Negroes tend to be rather less bright’ and his solution to what he sees as a race problem being to keep the races physically apart, to have the racism of the article brought to the fore. When an individual labels himself as a racialist, and espouses views that are racist then where does the line between the right to academic freedom and the commitment to creating an environment free of racism, sexism, homophobia and other manifestations of intolerance lie?

Language matters - as does the context within which it is used – if a university tolerates intolerance and bigotry then at what price does it maintain the principle of academic freedom?

There is no such thing as a value-free definition of freedom - you can not simply say whatever you want – there are laws against incitement and the use of racist language is not tolerated. Where the boundaries of freedom lie can only be properly constructed by the communities within which these debates arise – and this is what we have the opportunity to work towards today. What needs to be balanced in any argument about academic freedom is the right to express views that go against the grain together with a responsibility for outcomes.

The university has defended Sampson’s continuing role here in the name of academic freedom and yet this very argument comes up against its commitment towards creating an environment free of discrimination – so where do we take a stand?

It has been mentioned that there have been no complaints about Sampson’s teaching or assessment of coursework; and further, that because his arguments relate to groups and not individuals he can allow for individual black students to do better than their white or Oriental classmates and hence his personal beliefs do not entail, or even espouse, discrimination. Indeed, he mentions that one should not treat individuals differently due to their race and retrospectively regrets the title of his piece ‘There is nothing wrong with racism (except the name)’ but not the actual content which justifies the title.

Taking the argument beyond the fairness or otherwise of Sampson’s treatment and assessment of his students I would like you for a moment to imagine yourself as a black undergraduate in your first year here at Sussex. Would you feel comfortable choosing an option for study taught by Sampson knowing that he believes you come from a group that collectively he places at the bottom of the intellectual spectrum? Would you have confidence in your tutor to assist you in developing your potential to its fullest capacity? Would you really feel that you would be fairly assessed by this man?

The inherent context that is created by this self-professed racialist/racist is not one of a level playing field – and as his argument, for what he sees as a race problem, is to keep the races physically apart through the institutions of the nation-state – how do you know that he actually wants you in his class and values your presence there? Or thinks that you should even have been allowed in the country in the first place? In the context of the current debates around immigration this is not an unimportant issue.

Where does this then leave the question of academic freedom for the students who may now choose not to take his courses – and this does not just apply to black students, I’m sure there would be students, regardless of their background, who would find his views offensive and not want to be taught by him.

The argument here is not to silence Sampson or to say that he shouldn’t have said what he did – but rather, that having said what he did, what are the likely consequences and how is the university going to respond to these? Firstly, in terms of reassuring students already here that if they do not want to be taught by Sampson their choice of academic options will not then be limited and secondly, addressing the concerns of potential students who may have been put off by Sampson’s comments in terms of coming to Sussex.

Black students already face many obstacles in terms of entering higher education and the promulgation of such views does nothing to make that easier – in fact it legitimises the situation of black students not coming to university. If you were a black student thinking about which university to go to – would you choose Sussex after what has just occurred? For you would only know of Sussex through what the media has reported and the fact that this is highly unrepresentative of life here would not be known. This surely damages the university’s commitment to widening participation and maintaining the diversity that is promoted as a feature of life here at Sussex.

What we have been provided with today is the opportunity to look at the way we deal with the issue of race within the university – this isn’t just about Sampson but it’s about picking up the carpet and looking underneath at the uncomfortable truths that perhaps we would rather not tackle. Where have we been failing in our commitment to creating a university that not only speaks of diversity but is diverse? What more could we do to create an environment where race is not an issue?

When I came to Sussex as an undergraduate in the early nineties I can honestly say that it was the first time that I had ever felt at home. I was born in Kenya and was brought here when I was two; growing up in Middlesex I always felt an outsider and whenever I went to India I was the ‘English’ cousin – so my sense of identity has not been unproblematic.

Coming to Sussex and getting involved in not just the rich academic life here, but being involved in student issues and other activities I felt a sense of belonging that I had not experienced before. I felt accepted for who I was and for what I brought to the situation in terms of my intellect and experience. The fact that I looked any different to the people around me was never once an issue. Having felt like an outsider my whole life I can’t even begin to tell you what ‘belonging’ felt like – there was a sense of superficial anonymity and deep humanity that created an experience that has been with me ever since. Together with the academic reasons for choosing to come back to undertake graduate study here at Sussex, what drew me was this sense of fitting in; an understanding that I would be accepted for who I was and judged on what I brought to the table and that the colour of my skin would not be an issue.

This last week I have had to think in terms of the colour of my skin and I can tell you that it’s not pleasant to do so.

Academic freedom is about the healthy exchange of ideas but it can not be separated from the practices that are legitimated and justified through their promulgation. Therefore any move to protect academic freedom simultaneously protects the practices that are associated with those ideas. As members of a community we have a responsibility for how that community is constructed and develops – we need to move away from idea that if something is academic it is irrelevant – academic debate has consequences and academic freedom entails responsibilities.

Amongst many students, staff and faculty there is a pride in Sussex and a sense of community and identity that exists under the surface without ever being fully reflected upon – and this is what we have the opportunity to do today. Principles alone do not stand for anything; you can have as many guidelines and policies as you want and if the context within which they operate is not one of trust, respect and equality then they are not worth the paper they are written on. This is not just about the article Sampson has written it’s about the response we make to it; it’s about the community we choose to create and the stand we decide to take in making a difference in the world.

Gurminder K. Bhambra and Martin Shaw

debate

Martin's comment in the meeting questioned what he saw as the 'narrowing of academic feedom' in Gurminder's view. Martin pointed out that he interpreted the scope of an academic broadly, including the right to comment on areas outside his own research in any direct way.The email debate began when Gurminder emailed Martin as follows.

gb    The views Sampson has been peddling in the national media have nothing to do with any area of his research or teaching interests and yet he is using his status here at the university to gain both the space within which to articulate those views and to ascribe legitimacy to them. However inadvertently his comments came to be publicised within the wider national arena the point remains that he followed up on what had occurred by speaking to the national press and radio in his capacity as a professor at Sussex University. Academic freedom, if it is to have any meaning separate and apart from freedom of speech, surely has to mean the freedom of an individual to undertake academic research in any area, however unpalatable that may be to others. Now what Sampson is arguing does not form any element of his academic research field, so as it is, the principle of academic freedom is being used to defend the articulation of personal prejudice in the public realm and not legitimate research endeavour.  

 
ms    I agree that there seems to be a clear distinction between Geoffrey Sampson's views on race and his research, so that it's as much a general freedom of speech issue as an 'academic freedom' issue as such. However I don't think a strong distinction between general freedom of speech and academic freedom is helpful. Freedom of speech in an academic context clearly involves academic freedom, and academic freedom relies heavily on general ideas of freedom of expression. This connection is very important in practice because academics who use (or abuse) freedom of speech, like Sampson, may have their academic status challenged.
 
gb    You may want to defend his freedom to speak on matters unrelated to research interests but I do not feel that the use of the phrase academic freedom is warranted in this instance. I am not suggesting that academics can only speak on matters related to their research but that perhaps they should only use the principle of academic freedom to defend their views when those views form an aspect of legitimate academic endeavour. In speaking on matters outside of his academic remit Sampson should have disassociated his personally held views from his status as Professor and if that was not possible then he should have thought about his responsibility as an academic at Sussex with accountabilities beyond research such as teaching and in this light reconsidered what he then said. 
 
ms    The problem here is that we can't always make a clear distinction between 'matters related to our research' and others. The basic principle is that knowledge is indivisible. A 'university' assumes the universality of knowledge. Rather than a sharp division there is a gradation from subjects we have directly researched, through subjects on which we keep up with the research literature, through cognate subjects with which we have a nodding acquaintance, to subjects which we have no real claim to have studied, but may follow more or less as intelligent laypeople. However an academic has a duty to apply a scholarly attitude to all of these, and should keep this in mind in expressing views involving any or all of them.
 
The problem with Sampson is not that he expresses views on subjects remote from his direct research interests but that he has embraced some of the more dubious scholarship on race and has used it sloppily on his website. I likewise am not a scholar of racial issues in a direct way (unlike Saul Dubow, for example) although I have studied some of the abuses of race (in genocide, for example) more systematically. But I have a passing acquaintanceship with academic debates on race and intelligence and have come to opposite conclusions from Sampson. As a scholar as well as a citizen I feel able to express my views on race with some authority, and want to claim the protection of academic freedom in so doing. I would want to be able to do so even if other people thought I was wrong, as we think that Sampson is wrong. I would want my critics to point out why I was sloppy or wrong, as John Maynard Smith, John Drury and others did [of Sampson] at the meeting, rather than to demand that I be sacked for propagating erroneous views.
 
Let me give two other, rather varied examples of the principles involved. First: if as a social scientist I studied South African politics, I could not ignore the issue of AIDS. I might want to investigate why Thabo Mbeki has ignored the scientific consensus to the point of condemning many innocent children and others to unnecessary deaths for want of appropriate medicines. My social science investigation would assume the natural scientists' consensus on AIDS; as a social scientist I would refer to what I have seen summarised as medical knowledge (actually in the press rather than the scientific journals) rather than investigating the aetiology of AIDS myself. My sources might be wrong, but I would want the protection of academic freedom to use what I believed in good faith to be established knowledge.
 
Since this is an example of claiming the protection of academic freedom to propagate what I see as sound views, in my second example I refer to someone else who I believe to be seriously wrong. Andrew Chitty, who chaired the Sussex meeting on Sampson, has argued for the 'positive defence of the Taleban and Osama Bin Laden, as the current representatives of Middle Eastern resistance to imperialist power, in their war against the US and its proxies.' (see his article) Andrew might be thought, as a philosopher rather than a political scientist, to be outside his area of research in these comments. However Andrew has carried out some research on Bin Laden's thought, which he presented at a seminar last year. I think that his research was superficial, and deeply flawed precisely because it failed to take seriously the racist content of al-Qaeda's war against Jews and Christians as such. As it happens, I think that he too was 'rationalising his prejudices'. However I wouldn't want to say that a philosopher can't stray into politics, or should be sacked if he reaches erroneous or even offensive conclusions when he does so (a Jewish New Yorker, for example, might find Andrew's views as personally offensive as you rightly find Sampson's).

gb    I do not believe that it is possible to separate one’s professional life from the public articulation of personal views and hence any public intervention needs to be measured in terms of the other responsibilities one holds. It is the gross negligence of the responsibilities that Sampson has towards his students, colleagues and university that should be addressed as well as the racism inherent in the article itself. 

ms    Yes, but how should they be addressed?  Principally, I think, through pointing out their errors, organising opposition, expressing the disdain that Saul expressed, and dissociating the University as the Vice-Chancellor did. The Chitty case that I mention shows the wider implications of defending the academic freedom even of someone who is wrong to the point of offensiveness. If Andrew had been an academic in an American university, I think he would almost certainly have faced demands for his removal, from right-wing politicians and maybe also from conservative students, if not from academics. I think these would have been misplaced and I would have defended him from such demands.

You may wonder when, in my view, academic freedom can no longer be defended. True, we can't completely separate verbal and practical expressions, but I believe that we have to look at such connections concretely. Sampson's views do give moral support to racism generally, just as Chitty's give comfort to anti-semitic Islamist politics: but both freedom of speech and academic freedom must be able to encompass the expression of such obnoxious views. I think the VC is right about this: it would be if Sampson actually discriminated against students on racial grounds - or worse if he directly aided thugs like the BNP in beating people up - that his position would become untenable. 

I do not like having Geoffrey Sampson as a colleague: he has exhibited a deeply unpleasant set of attitudes which are offensive to the values of a university. But I think that sacking him merely for expressing these views would do wider harm to the principles on which the University and democratic society are based. This is the classic liberal distinction (see John Stuart Mill) between expressing threatening beliefs and acting on them. However freedom of speech and academic freedom are not just liberal values, as Tadzio Muller argued in the open meeting. They are also essential for any progress towards a socialist society. The thing that is wrong with liberal accounts of freedom is not that they involve too much freedom, but too little. Socialism should be a realm of greater freedom than that available in capitalist society - as Marx believed. We will not help the cause by restricting the limited freedoms that we already have.

gb    I’d just like to stress that I did not call for Sampson to resign nor for him to be silenced – the point I was trying to highlight    was the need for considered reflection both on what has occurred and possible ways forward. Without engaging with others and stimulating and facilitating discussion around the disagreements that exist we allow resentment to build up and destroy the fabric of the community that we are a part of. Through dialogue we can strengthen that community and play an active part in creating it as we would want it to be.

In my presentation last Thursday I did not mean to suggest that academics should not express views on subjects unrelated to their research interests but rather I was trying to think through a distinction that had already been made and question the validity of the use of the principle of ‘academic freedom’ in this particular case as opposed to the more general principle of ‘freedom of speech’. If we were to forget the distinction and concentrate on freedom in general I would still argue that freedom does not exist as an abstracted principle but rather one that is developed and worked out within the communities within which such debates arise (and that it is these debates themselves which are the context for freedom). What needs to be balanced in any argument about freedom of speech is the right to express views that go against the grain together with a responsibility for outcomes. Insofar as debate is the context for freedom, the context of the current debate is the wider realm of Sampson’s responsibilities as a professor at this university and his relationships to his colleagues, staff and students.

What is of interest to me is where the balance should be drawn between an individual’s freedom to speak publicly on issues of concern to them and the responsibilities they have as an academic within the social world they inhabit. It is this matter of an academic’s responsibilities, as opposed to their freedom to speak, that appears to be missing in the discussions around what has occurred and it is this that I would like to highlight and request further contributions to.

As a final point on this matter I would just like to underline that it is the public deconstruction of abhorrent views and the public articulation of alternatives that create the space of community – whatever you may think personally is of little consequence till it’s spoken in that community.

The assertion that Andrew Chitty’s defence of the Taleban and Osama bin Laden is similar to the current debacle slightly misses the point. The right of both to air unpopular views, for me, is not in question. Chitty’s views about al-Qaeda (as with Sampson’s views on race) can be contested within the realm of ideas and deconstructed there. And further to your comment, I would suggest that is not only al-Qaeda’s hatred towards Jews and Christians that needs to be addressed more fully but one also needs to look closely at the stated hatred towards all other religions (including sub-groups within Islam itself) and the stance that is taken on gender relations and issues of sexuality before attempting to make any defence of al-Qaeda.

The difference between Sampson and Chitty, however, is that whereas the former was articulating his own prejudices in a public arena Chitty was defending the prejudices of others and I do not believe that in defending a third party Chitty was taking on their views and promulgating them as his own. I find his defence problematic for the reasons outlined above but Chitty is not, as far as I understand, advocating taking on the views of al-Qaeda and putting them into practice in the way that Sampson suggests the best solution to the perceived race problem is to keep the races apart.

Whilst Chitty was defending people whose views and actions I find personally offensive Sampson was articulating views that I find personally offensive. I do not believe that Chitty would discriminate against people who held different views to him; I can not be so sure that Sampson would not discriminate against people who look different to him (as he himself has stated that this sort of discrimination is both natural and normal).

ms In general I agree with you about that academic freedom also entail responsibilities towards the academic community; it's a question of how they apply in this case. I also agree that unlike Geoffrey Sampson, Andrew Chitty isn't rationalising a racist or anti-semitic prejudice of his own - however in giving support to people who further these kinds of view in the most violent way, I think he's rationalising his political and theoretical prejudices in an intellectually disreputable manner, which could give rise to the kinds of objection I suggested.

Note

Saul Dubow is a professor of History at Sussex and author of books on 'scientific racism' and South Africa; he spoke earlier in the meeting.

Emails: gurminderbhambra@hotmail.com; m.shaw@sussex.ac.uk